e-book Iranophobia: The Logic of an Israeli Obsession (Stanford Studies in Middle Eastern and I)

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As an academic though, Ram fails the grade. Finding that the regime in Tehran uses foreign policy to mobilize its population, Ram urged a comparative study of Zionism and Khomenism. In any event, Ram is planning a change in expertise. TA rally against attack on Iran musters 24 protesters. Protesters outside Defense Ministry worry attack will have "consequences that Israeli leaders cannot foresee. She also called for the two countries to hold talks to establish a weapons-of-mass-destruction- free zone in the Middle East.

Department of Middle East Studies. Phone I teach and write about secularism, religion, colonialism and popular culture in the modern Middle East, with particular emphasis on Iran and Israel. In recent years I've become increasingly intrigued with the exaggerated anxieties about Iran among Israelis, as well as with the overall failure of much of the literature to make sense of these anxieties outside the domain of geopolitics.

As a result, I turned my "gaze" to Israeli society and set out to study the cultural logics at work behind Israel's anti-Iran phobias. Two books were born in the process. The first, Likro iran be-yisra'el Reading Iran in Israel , was published in The book was well received see, e. Book Review Reading Iran ; and an Arabic edition it, which soon followed, won praise in the Arab printed and electronic media see e.

Iranophobia: The Logic of an Israeli Obsession

The second book, Iranophobia: the Cultural Logics of an Israeli obsession, is a radically revised and expanded version of the Hebrew edition and is due for publication with Stanford University Press. The two books differed from each other in their scope of empirical research, in their methodologies, in their narrative strategies, and in the subject matters they covered.

Nonetheless, they provided a crucially innovative approach to the study of the relationship between domestic and foreign policies in the manufacturing of the Israeli polity. Inspired by works that read metropolitan and colonial cultures as zones of encounter, the two books demonstrated that Israeli anxieties about Iran were fashioned and comprehended on the basis of what Israelis believed to be the dis ordering of their society at home.

Although the Israeli sense of danger emanating from Iran derives from legitimate strategic concerns, it is also linked to defensive mechanisms of the home in view of the peril of the Jewish state becoming foreign and unrecognizable to itself. By contrast, the history and culture of drug use in Israel has not yet been written. I intend to rise to the challenge. Selected Courses Taught.

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Persian literature in praise of Ali's progeny is quite ubiquitous and abundant. Several early Shiite sources speak of a dispute arising between an Arab and an Iranian woman. His judgment thus invited the protest of the Arab woman. In another such tradition, Ali was once reciting a sermon in the city of Kufah , when Ash'as ibn Qays , a commander in the Arab army protested, "Amir-al-Momeneen!

These Iranians are excelling the Arabs right in front of your eyes and you are doing nothing about it! And what do these Arabs want from me?

To ostracize the Iranians and become an oppressor! I swear by the God that splits the nucleus and creates Man, I heard the prophet once say, just as you strike the Iranians with your swords in the name of Islam, so will the Iranians one day strike you back the same way for Islam. When the Sassanid city of Anbar fell to the forces of Mu'awiyeh, news reached Ali that the city had been sacked and plundered spilling much innocent blood.

After describing the massacre, he said, "If somebody hearing this news now faints and dies of grief, I fully approve of it! Nureddin Abtahi claims that Umar highly resented them. It was in Baghdad where the first Arab nationalists , mainly of Palestinian and Syrian descent, formed the basis of their overall philosophies.

Sati' al-Husri , who served as advisor to the Ministry of Education and later as Director General of Education and Dean of the College of Law, was particularly instrumental in shaping the Iraqi educational system. These individuals formed the nucleus and genesis of true pan-Arabism. Sati' al-Husri's campaigns against schools suspected of being positive towards Persia are well documented. A short excerpt of Husri's interview with the teacher is revealing: [28]. Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majid al-Tikriti forced out tens of thousands of people of Persian origin from Iraq in the s, after having been accused of being spies for Iran and Israel.

Early on in his career, Saddam Hussein and pan-Arab ideologues targeted the Arabs of southwest Iran in an endeavour to have them separate and join 'the Arab nation. Saddam also accused Iranians of "murdering the second Umar , third Uthman and fourth Ali Caliphs of Islam", invading the three islands of Abu Musa and Greater and Lesser Tunbs in the Persian Gulf and attempting to destroy the Arabic language and civilization. In the war, Iraq made extensive use of chemical weapons such as mustard gas against Iranian troops and civilians as well as Iraqi Kurds.

Iran expected a condemnation by UN of this act and sent allegation to UN. At time the UN Security Council issued statements that "chemical weapons had been used in the war. In December , Hussein said he would take responsibility "with honour" for any attacks on Iran using conventional or chemical weapons during the — war, but he took issue with charges he ordered attacks on Iraqis.

Will Iran respond to Israel's attacks? - Inside Story

On the execution day, Hussein said, "I spent my whole life fighting the infidels and the intruders, [ After his fall, it was reported that the new Iraqi government had organized the Committee for Removing Symbols of the Saddam Era and that the Hands of Victory monument had begun to be dismantled. However, the demolition was later halted. Al-Salafi magazine, quoted in The Times , states, "Iran has become more dangerous than Israel itself.

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Iranophobia: The Logic of an Israeli Obsession

The Iranian Revolution has come to renew the Persian presence in the region. This is the real clash of civilizations. Al-Qaeda has been increasingly singling out Iran and Shiites, describing the "Persians" as the enemy of Arabs and complicit in the occupation of Iraq. According to the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans PAAIA , nearly half of Iranian Americans surveyed in by Zogby International have themselves experienced or personally know another Iranian American who has experienced discrimination because of their ethnicity or country of origin.

The most common types of discrimination reported are airport security, social discrimination , employment or business discrimination, racial profiling and discrimination at the hands of immigration officials. The Iranian hostage crisis of the US embassy in Tehran in November precipitated a wave of anti-Iranian sentiment in the United States, against the new Islamic regime and Iranian nationals and immigrants.


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Even though such sentiments gradually declined after the release of the hostages at the start of In response, some Iranian immigrants to the US have distanced themselves from their nationality and instead identify primarily on the basis of their ethnic or religious affiliations. Since the s and especially since the s, Hollywood's depiction of Iranians has vilified Iranians as in [51] television programs such as 24 , [52] John Doe , On Wings of Eagles , and [53] Escape From Iran: The Canadian Caper , which was based on a true story.

Filmed in Israel , it was based on the autobiography by Betty Mahmoody. In the book and film, an American woman Mahmoody traveled to Tehran with her young daughter to visit her Iranian-born family of her husband. Mahmoody's husband then undergoes a strange transformation in Iran, ranging from an educated and sophisticated citizen to an abusive, backwards peasant, eventually deciding that they will not return to the United States.

Betty is told that she can divorce him and leave, but their daughter must stay in Tehran under Islamic law. Ultimately, after 18 months in Iran, Betty and her daughter escape to the American embassy in Turkey. According to Ebert, the film depicts Islamic society "in shrill terms", where women are "willing or unwilling captives of their men", deprived of "what in the West would be considered basic human rights ". Furthermore, Ebert says, "No attempt is made—deliberately, I assume—to explain the Muslim point of view, except in rigid sets of commands and rote statements".

According to Jane Campbell, the film "only serves to reinforce the media stereotype of Iranians as terrorists who, if not actively bombing public buildings or holding airline passengers hostage, are untrustworthy, irrational, cruel, and barbaric. The film was also criticized in Iran. A Islamic Republic News Agency article claimed that the film "[made] smears In a Finnish documentary, Without My Daughter , [61] film maker Alexis Kouros tells Mahmoody's husband's side of the story, showing Iranian eyewitnesses accusing the Hollywood film of spreading lies and "treasons".

Alice Sharif, an American woman living with her Iranian husband in Tehran, accuses Mahmoody and the filmmakers of deliberately attempting to foment anti-Iranian sentiment in the United States. The film Alexander by American director Oliver Stone has been accused of negative and inaccurate portrayal of Persians.

Matters of Authenticity: Nationalism, Islam, and Ethnic Diversity in Iran | SpringerLink

The film , an adaptation of Frank Miller 's graphic novel , was criticized for its racist [65] portrayal of combatants in the Persian army at the Battle of Thermopylae. Reviewers in the United States and elsewhere "noted the political overtones of the West-against-Iran story line and the way Persians are depicted as decadent , sexually flamboyant and evil in contrast to the noble Greeks". Azadeh Moaveni of Time reported, "All of Tehran was outraged.